Just as viruses spread quickly in Africa, military coups spread quickly there as well.
In mid-September 2021, Mamadi Doumbouya and his companions overthrew Guinean President Alpha Condé, and 5 months before that, it was announced in Chad that the country’s president, Idriss Déby Itno, had been killed in mysterious circumstances in early 2022, Colonel Paul. -Henri Sandaogo Damiba and his companions overthrew the president of Burkina Faso, and after 8 months, Captain Ibrahim Traoré overthrew the colonel president, then the infection reached Niger, where the army turned President Mohamed Bazoum, then the army in Gabon, overthrew President Ali Bongo Ondimba after announcing his victory for a third term.
Al Jazeera Study Center Publication Analytical document By the journalist specializing in African affairs, Mahfouz Ould Salek, entitled “Transitional stages in Africa: sovereignty is a sure path towards the consolidation of military ruleHe attempts to observe the perspectives of current transition paths in Africa, through the army’s relationship with power, the modification of constitutions and the organization of external relations, particularly with France.
Long-term transmission
The leaders of Africa’s transitional military councils appear in no hurry to cede power to civilians. Some of them have extended it to themselves and others are moving towards it, and some of them have remained in power following elections in which they were opposed. said it was up to his standards!
In Mali, the ruling military junta called for a political dialogue, boycotted by parties and civil society organizations, in which it proposed extending the transition period from two to five years. In Burkina Faso, participants agreed – in a similar dialogue – to extend the mandate of Ibrahim Traoré for another 5 years and to change his status from interim president to that of president of the country.
As for Niger, the transitional president, Omar Abderrahmane Tiani, has set the transition period at 3 years, and it is not unlikely that the country will follow the same path as its neighbors Mali and Burkina Faso. In Guinea Conakry, the transition period was also set at 3 years, but the Transitional Military Council exceeded it without an official announcement of its extension.
In Gabon, interim Prime Minister Raymond Ndong has not ruled out extending the planned transition period by two years, “slightly”, if necessary. As for Chad, the transition path ended after being extended twice, the first for two years and the second for 18 months, after which General Mohamed Idriss Déby became president of the country following the presidential elections from May 2024.
No priority for elections
Transitional military regimes in Mali and Burkina Faso prioritize “establishing security and stability” over holding elections, and use armed groups as an excuse to prevent elections everywhere. the country. In an interview on state television, the young transitional president of Burkina Faso announced that the elections scheduled for July 2024 “are not a priority, as opposed to security”.
It was also announced in Mali that presidential elections scheduled for February 2024 would be postponed for technical reasons, but the prime minister said in a meeting with diplomats that “elections are not a priority.”
As for Guinea Conakry, the head of the military junta, Mamadi Doumbouya, believes that it is more important to deal with the country’s economic situation than to organize elections. The same goes for Chad, which declared a food emergency and placed, in addition to security, the organization of elections on second priority.
In the eyes of sovereignty
In order to consolidate their ranks and positions, the various generals in Africa took various measures, based above all on the desire to gain the trust of the people as the main source of their survival. Because most of the putschists came to power on the ruins of popular demonstrations against civilian leaders.
“Sovereignty” was the common thread between the different procedures. In Mali, the transitional authority has designated January 14 each year as national sovereignty day. In Niger, authorities renamed streets and squares after national figures instead of their French predecessors, to consolidate sovereignty. In Burkina Faso, the transitional government created a food sovereignty fund to support farmers and fishermen.
In Gabon, the young general called for “working together to achieve the desired sovereignty”, while in Guinea Conakry, the president forced foreign mining companies to build bauxite refineries and distribute revenue “fairly”. In Chad, President Mohamed Déby presented himself as the guarantor of security sovereignty by taking “innovative and comprehensive measures aimed at engaging Chadian society in the fight against insecurity”.
Constitutions that pave the way for the leader
In addition to their legislative initiatives during the transition period, most military councils worked to draft constitutions enshrining “sovereignty” and legitimizing their continued rule. In Mali, the transitional authority drafted the country’s fourth constitution since 1992, emphasizing “sovereignty”, reducing French from the official language to only the working language and allowing the military to run for president . The constitution received 97% support. votes despite the opposition’s reservations.
In Chad, the country’s ninth constitution was drawn up since independence from France, paving the way for Mohamed Déby by authorizing the military to run for president “on condition that they devote themselves to it”, and lowering the age of application from 40 to 35 years. As for Burkina Faso, Parliament voted to change the country’s slogan from “Unity, Progress and Justice” to former President Thomas Sankara’s slogan, “Homeland or Death…We Will Victory.”
Although no new constitution has been announced in Burkina Faso, as is the case in Niger, the military junta of Guinea Conakry has presented a draft constitution which provides for the separation of powers, the creation of a Senate and allowing independent candidacy in elections. In Gabon, the new constitution stipulated the end of the rule of the Bongo family and the abolition of the post of Prime Minister, to strengthen the power of the president.
Vague
The prospects for current transition pathways in Africa are characterized by great ambiguity, due to failure to meet deadlines for remaining in power. Several factors contributed to this, including low awareness of the use of “sovereignty” as an argument. excuse to justify numerous trends, and undermine the role of political parties, as well as certain opponents who fell into the arms of the military.
Even if the current military leaders are divided between those who oppose France, those who maintain their continued presence under its aegis and those who have not changed anything in the map of their foreign partnerships; “Sovereignty” constitutes a common thread between them all, as a mechanism for strengthening the pillars of their authority.
Such slogans may be valid for a while, but cannot be relied upon in the long term, as they will quickly erode in light of the continuing structural crises these countries suffer from, and the military is currently incapable of carrying them out. resolve, just as the civilians before them were incapable of doing so.
(You can consult the full analytical document at Al Jazeera Study Center website)